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What have we Learned from 30 Years of Research on Families in Divorce Conflict?
By Elizabeth M. Ellis, Ph.D., Atlanta, Georgia
http://www.trowbridgefoundation.org/current_article.htm

The following is a summary of highlights of the text, Divorce Wars, Interventions with Families in Conflict, (APA Books, 2000). The text is a review of research in a number of key areas and is intended as a reference work and manual for psychological experts in the courtroom and the attorney who wishes to be knowledgeable regarding the scientific literature in this field. The book also contains case studies, guidelines for clinicians, charts and data tables, as well as a complete bibliography. (The last two chapters, on ethical dillemmas and future trends in the area of divorce and family law, have not been reviewed here).

This summary is organized in a list of pertinent questions and brief responses to these questions. For the full text please order a copy from APA Books, 1-800-374-2721, or view the entire series of books on Law and Psychology online at 222.apa.org/books/

I WHAT ARE THE EFFECTS OF DIVORCE ON CHILDREN?

(1) In terms of the effects of divorce on children, as a group, we can conclude that divorce roughly doubles the rates of emotional and behavioral adjustment problems in children. Though the effect sizes are small, they are very consistent (see: Gregory, 1965; Hetherington, 1989; Hetherington, Cox, & Cox, 1985; Hetherington, Stanley-Hagan, & Anderson, 1989; Wallerstein, 1985; Wallerstein, 1991; Wallerstein & Blakeslee, 1989; Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980b; Zill, Morrison, & Coiro, 1993; Zimiles & Lee, 1991).

(2) The effects of divorce on boys appear to be more immediate and dramatic, especially in mother-headed households. These are increases in aggressive, disruptive, acting out behaviors. Boys in single-mother households are considered to be "developmentally vulnerable" and at risk for high levels of acting out behavior (Gregory, 1965; Kalter, 1977, 1987; Hetherington, 1989; Hetherington, Cox, & Cox, 1985; Warshak, 1992; Zaslow, 1988, 1989; Zimiles & Lee, 1991).

(3) The effects of divorce on girls (provided mother doesn't re-marry), are minimal, until adolescence. Girls of divorce show no increased risk of behavior problems, as compared with girls from intact families, until adolescence. Then, they show increased rates of running away, skipping school, sexual promiscuity, and acting out. These girls are more likely to drop out of school and become pregnant outside of marriage. This has been dubbed "the sleeper effect". (Allison & Furstenberg, 1989; Hetherington, 1989; Hetherington & Deur, 1971; Hetherington, 1991; Kalter, 1977; Kalter, et al., 1984; Hetherington, 1972, 1973).

(4) The adult children of divorce experience lower levels of reported happiness, higher levels of psychological problems, lower levels of marital happiness, and a higher rate of divorce in their own marriages . This is kown as the intergenerational transmission of divorce (Amato, 1996; Kulka & Weingarten, 1979; Glenn & Kramer, 1985; Glenn & Shelton, 1983).

(5) Women who come from divorced homes are more likely to have their own marriages end in divorce than men from divorced homes. When both partners come from divorced homes, the chances that their own marriage will end in divorce is triple that of a couple who both grow up in intact homes (Amato, 1996).

(6) What seens to be transmitted to the children of divorce is a tendency toward lower rates of education, early marriage, living together before marriage, and a group of behaviors which can be described as: lower commitment to marriage, infidelity, problems with anger management, feelings of insecurity, neediness, demandingness, denial and blame, contempt, and poor conflict resolution skills (Amato, 1996; Hetherington, Bridges, Insabella, 1998).

At this time, we are not sure if what is being transmitted is genetic-biochemical, or behavior patterns that are learned, or some interaction of both.

See O'Connor, et al. (2000), for a complete discussion of this topic.

II WHAT IS THE MECHANISM THROUGH WHICH DIVORCE EXERTS A NEGATIVE EFFECT ON CHILDREN?

(7) The effects of divorce on children are not explained through parental loss or economic hardship. Children who lose a parent through a lengthy illness or even death fare better than the children of divorce, and economic status post-divorce is not a good predictor of chldren's adjustment. Mother's remarriage, which is associated with a higher standard of living, is not associated with improved outcomes for children (Amato & Keith, 1991; Rutter, 1971; Rutter, et al., 1976; Shaw & Emery, 1987).

(8) The effects of divorce on children occur largely through the effects of inter-parental conflict on children, both before and after the divorce (Amato & Keith, 1991; Amato & Rezac, 1994; Amato, Loomis, & Booth, 1995; Buchanan, Maccoby, & Dornbusch, 1991; Camara & Resnick, 1988, 1989; Emery, 1982; Kline, Johnston, & Tschann, 1991; Long, Slater, Forehand, & Fauber, 1988; Rutter, 1971).

This is one of the most consistent findings and the above reference list is abbreviated. Amato and Keith (1991) reviewed 15 studies. Emery (1982) reviewed over 20 studies, most of which are not listed above.

The "high conflict" factor predicts a poor parent-child relationship (#11), predicts the outcome of joint custody (#28), and predicts whether time with the non-custodial parent is benefecial or distressing (#38).

(9) Children and teens from divorced homes where there is no conflict, fare better than children and teens from intact homes where there is chronic conflict. On the surface, one would expect children to benefit from divorce based on this finding. However, in reality, the children of divorce seem to endure years of conflict prior to their parents' divorce; the conflict often ontinues unabated after the divorce, or even intensifies; and many parents go on to marry again and have highly conflicted remarriages. (Rutter, 1971; Long, Slater, Forehand, & Fauber, 1988; Camara & Resnick, 1988, 1989; Kline, Johnston, & Tschann, 1991; McCord & McCord, 1959).

(10) The type of conflict matters. Children do not appear to be affected much by conflict which is characterized by emotional distance and tension. They are more negatively affected by conflict that is open, attacking (both verbally and physically), and where the children are exposed to the conflict and caught up in it (Camara & Resnick, 1988, 1989; Emery, 1982; Kline, et al., 1991; Buchanan, Maccoby, & Dornbusch, 1991).

(11) The mechanism through which inter-parental conflict exerts its negative influence on the children of divorce is through a deterioration of the parent-child relationship. Second and third divorces deteriorate the parent-child relationship even further (Amato & Booth, 1996; Emery, 1982; Hess & Camara, 1979; Peterson & Zill, 1986; Kline, et al., 1991; Tschann, Johnston, Kline, & Wallerstein, 1989).

When children live in intact families where conflict is low, 62% report having a good relationship with both parents. Where conflict is high and persistent, only 20% do so Where children live with a mother who has divorced a second time, only 8% report having a good relationship with both parents. Fully 46% report a poor relationship with both parents (Peterson & Zill, 1986).

(12) The emotional stability, warmth, and consistency of the primary custodial parent is a strong factor in predicting children's adjustment to divorce. Children who reside with a parent who is emotionally unstable, depressed, and angry experience poorer outcomes (Emery, 1982; Hess & Camara, 1979; McCombs & Forehand, 1989; Thomas & Forehand, 1993; Tschann, Johnston, Kline, & Wallerstein, 1989; Wallerstein & Blakeslee, 1989).

(13) The effects of chronic conflict on children also exert their effect through inducing in the child a feeling of chronic stress, insecurity, and agitation (Davies & Cummings, 1994); shame, self-blame, and guilt (Grych & Fincham, 1993); a chronic sense of helplessness (Davies & Cummings, 1994); fears for their own physical safety (Davies & Cummings, 1994); a sense of rejection, neglect, unresponsiveness, and lack of interest in the child's well being (Davies & Cummings, 1994; Fauber, et al., 1990; Fantuzzo, et al., 1991; Johnston, 1992)

III WHAT ARE THE STATISTICS ON PARENTAL DIVORCE AND REMARRIAGE?

(14) Women are by far more unhappy with the current state of marriage. They initiate 75% of divorces (Wallerstein and Kelly, 1980b), 76% (Koel et al., 1988), or 80% (Furstenberg & Cherlin, 1991), depending on the study.

(15) Second marriages have a higher rate of failure. Furstenberg (1987) found the rate of divorce of second marriages to be 56%. Glick (1984) found the divorce rate of second marriages to be 57%. Baydar (1988) found that 42% of second marriages ended within 5 years.

IV DO CHILDREN BENEFIT FROM THEIR PARENTS' REMARRIAGE?

(16) In general, no. If one reviews the large volume of studies on this question, one finds that in about half the studies, children do a little better. In about half the studies, children do a little worse. Although the children might benefit a little from an increased standard of living, these gains are offset by increases in inter-parental conflict, and conflictual relationships with stepparents and stepsiblings. To look at somewhat predictable findings, you need to look at factors such as the child's age, and gender, and who it is that is remarrying.

(17) Broadly speaking, remarriage appears to benefit young boys who live in single mother households and whose fathers are absent or uninvolved. These boys are eager for a male role model. Acting out behavior is reduced (Hetherington, Cox, & Cox, 1985; Hetherington, 1989; Kalter, 1977; Zaslow, 1988, 1989; Zill, Morrison, & Coiro, 1991; Zimiles & Lee, 1991).

(18) Broadly speaking, remarriage fares rather badly when one is looking at adolescent girls in single mother custody homes. They universally reject stepfathers, despite the best of efforts on the part of mother and stepdad (Hetherington, Cox, & Cox, 1985; Hetherington, 1989; Kalter, 1977; Zaslow, 1988, 1989; Zill, Morrison, & Coiro, 1991; Zimiles & Lee, 1991).

V HOW SUCCESSFUL HAS MEDIATION BEEN?

(19) Of those who attend and complete mediation, rates of reaching out of court agreements are fairly high. Emery's (1987) review found rates of 55% in a California study and 64% in a Connecticut study. Emery & Wyer (1987) report rates of 75%; Saposnek (1984) also reported rates of 75%. Pearson & Thoennes (1984) reported that 50% settled through mediation, and another 30% settled just before going to court.

(20) Regarding relitigation rates, Pearson and Thoennes (1982), Emery & Wyer (1987) and Scott & Emery (1987) all report lower rates of relitigation in the year following divorce in the group who mediated and settled out of court.

(21) Mediation appears to have no effect on children's post-divorce adjustment, nor on the parents' adjustment, nor on the ability of the parents to work together over the long-term (Pearson, Thoennes, & Hodges, 1984; Emery, 1988; Dillon & Emery, 1996; Kelly, 1996; Saposnek, 1998).

VI DOES GENDER MATTER WHEN CONSIDERING PRIMARY RESIDENTIAL CUSTODY?

In general, yes.

(22) Boys as a group are happier and show lower rates of delinquency and school drop-out in father-custody homes. (Camara & Resnick, 1988; Clarke-Stewart & Hayward, 1996; Gregory, 1965; Peterson & Zill, 1986; Santrock & Warshak, 1979; Warshak, 1996; Warshak & Santrock, 1983; Zimiles & Lee, 1991).

(23) Girls, as a group, are happier and show lower rates of delinquency and school drop-out in mother-custody homes (Camara & Resnick, 1988; Clarke-Stewart & Hayward, 1996; Gregory, 1965; Peterson & Zill, 1986; Santrock & Warshak, 1979; Warshak, 1996; Warshak & Santrock, 1983; Zimiles & Lee, 1991).

These results are consistent and robust. There are no studies which find the reverse - that children function better with the opposite-sex parent. However, some have suggested that this may be an artifact of demographic differences between mothers and fathers who are primary custodial parents, e.g., fathers who pursue and are awarded custody are generally more educated, more affluent, have more professional occupations, and have been more involved with their children.

VII IS SPLIT CUSTODY (SPLITTING THE CHILDREN) A BAD IDEA?

In general, no.

(24) Split custody is rarely recommended by courts and by custody evaluators (Maccoby & Mnookin, 1992; Simons, Grossman, & Wiener, 1990; Greif, 1990; Hauser, 1995). However, there is no established research that has determined that it is associated with poor adjustment to divorce.

Many writers in the field have noted anecdotally that many families drift toward split custody over time following the divorce as the children mature and their needs change, or as the family composition of the two households change. Therefore, it is a custodial arrangement that is frequently naturally selected by families, and those families report good outcomes (Greif, 1990, Hawthorne, 2000).

VIII IS JOINT CUSTODY BETTER FOR CHILDREN?

(25) Parents who share child rearing in joint custody arrange-ments (the type of "joint" custody is frequently unspecified) are generally happy with it and satisfied with it. They report that children see their father more often. Mothers report feeling less overwhelmed (Pearson & Thoennes, 1990; Rothberg, 1983; Luepnitz, 1986).

(26) Reports on whether parents litigate less often with joint custody or have less conflict are less clear. Some studies report lower rates of re-litigation (Luepnitz, 1986; Ilfield, Ilfield, & Alexander, 1982); some report higher rates of re-litigation (Albiston, Maccoby, & Mnookin 1990; some studies found no differences (Koel, et al., 1988; Pearson & Thoennes, 1990).

(27) Children's emotional adjustment is not associated with custodial arrangement (Steinman, 1981; Luepnitz, 1986; Kline, et al., 1989; Pearson & Theonnes, 1990; Johnston, 1995).

This is one of the most robust findings in the literature. Johnston (1995) reviewed 14 studies and concluded that there were few, if any, differences in the adjustment of children by virtue of the type of custodial arrangement in which they lived.

IX WHO SETTLES AND WHO GOES TO COURT OVER CUSTODY?

(28) Studies show that the vast majority of divorcing families do manage, through attorney bargaining, and through mediation, to settle out of court. Estimates vary from "less than ten per cent" (Kornhauser, 1979); 10% (Maccoby & Mnookin (1992), to 10% to 17% (Rohman, Sales, & Lou, 1987).

(29) Parents' race, age, education, and income are not predictive of who goes to court. Parents typically go to court over one or two very young children (Maccoby & Mnookin, 1992; Dixon, 1991).

(30) Since most mothers ask for and receive primary custody, the decision to litigate over custody is usually made by the father, when the father expresses disagreement with this arrangement (Dixon, 1991; Maccoby & Mnookin, 1991).

X HOW GOOD ARE THE PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS WHICH ARE USED IN CUSTODY EVALUATIONS?

(31) Though psychological tests are widely used in custody evaluations, their use in this context is, for the most part, highly spurious and scientifically unsupportable (Brodzinsky, 1993; Grisso, 1986; Hawthorne, 2000; Heinze & Grisso, 1996; Melton, Petrila, Poythress, & Slobogin, 1997; Weithorn & Grisso, 1987).

(32) There are only a few tests which have demonstrated validity and usefulness in custody evaluations. These are: the Child Abuse Potential Inventory (Milner, 1990); Parent Child Relationship Inventory (Gerard, 1994); the Parenting Stress Index (Abidin, 1990); and the Children's Reports of Parental Behavior (Schaefer, 1965).

XI WHAT FACTORS ARE CONSIDERED MOST IMPORTANT IN MAKING RECOMMENDATIONS FOR CUSTODY?

(33) In making recommendations for custody, both judges and mental health professionals place high value on the parent's stability and the presence of alcoholism. However, mental health professionals tend to place higher value on the children's bond with the parent and the children's wishes; judges tend to place greater emphasis on issues such as whether the parent is cohabiting, whether the parent is gay, whether the parent has had an affair, etc. In other words, judges may come at these issues with a more conservative bent and a focus on what society may consider to be "moral character" issues (Lowery, 1981; Felner, et al., 1985; Sorenson & Goldman, 1989; Reidy, Silver, & Carlson, 1989; Keilin & Bloom, 1986; Ackerman & Ackerman, 1997).

XII HOW DOES PARTICIPATING IN A CUSTODY EVALUATION IMPACT CHILDREN?

(34) Studies of the impact on children who have been the subject of custody disputes are surprising. They consistently indicate that participating in the evaluation does not appear to be associated with poor outcomes but rather with higher self esteem and a greater sense of control (Ash & Guyer, 1986; Fulton, 1979; Wolman & Taylor, 1991).

XIII WHAT CAN WE SOME SCIENTIFIC CERTAINTY AS TO WHAT VISITATION ARRANGEMENTS ARE BEST FOR CHILDREN OF DIFFERENT AGES?

(35) Not much at all. There are no controlled studies which indicate that any visitation pattern is best for a child of a certain age. All we have to go on is clinical experience, and extrapolations and educated guesses which have been derived from the child development literature (studies of babies in daycare; studies of infant attachment; studies of separation anxiety, etc.)

XIV HOW COMMON IS THE DENYING, OR BLOCKING, OF VISITATIONS?

(36) Quite common. Non-custodial fathers report higher figures than custodial mothers, naturally. Fulton (1979) reported that 53% of fathers had had their visitations blocked; Pearson & Thoennes (1988) said 20% of fathers reported problems with blocked visitations; Braver et al. (1991) said 33% of noncustodial fathers reported loss of visitations; Arditti
(1992) reported a figure of 50%.

Custodial mothers have admitted denying visitations in these ratios: 40% (Fulton, 1979); 20% (Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980); 40% Kressel (1985); 23% (Braver et al.).

XV DON'T MOST CHILDREN BENEFIT FROM AS MUCH TIME AS POSSIBLE WITH THE NON CUSTODIAL PARENT?

(37) Children do not necessarily benefit from more time with the non-custodial parent. If there are high levels of inter-parental conflict, children may exhibit more adjustment problems with increased contact with the non-custodial parent. (Amato & Rezac, 1994; Ash & Guyer, 1986; Baydar, 1988; Bray & Berger, 1990; Furstenberg, Morgan, & Allison, 1987; Healey, Malley, & Stewart, 1990; Hess & Camara, 1979; Hetherington & Parke, 1979; Hodges, Wechsler, & Ballantine, 1979; Johnston, Kline, & Tschann, 1989; Kalter, Kloner, Schreier, & Okla, 1989; King, 1994; Kline, Johnston, & Tschann, 1991; Kurdek & Berg, 983; A. M. Thomas & Forehand, 1993; Wallerstein & Corbin, 1989; Zill, 1988).

This is one of the most robust findings in the research literature. I have compiled 17 studies at this time in which no association is found between frequency and length of visitations with non-custodial dad and children's emotional/behavioral adjustment. It is troubling, but remarkably consistent.

(38) Children seem to benefit from increased time with the non-custodial parent when certain conditions are met: low levels of inter-parental conflict and a warm, consistent relationship with the non-custodial parent. They benefit from authoritative parenting with the non-resident parent (i.e., advice and help with projects, supervision of homework; discipline)... In other words, how often fathers see their children is less important than what they actually do with them. (Amato & Gilbreath, 1999; Clarke-Stewart & Hayward, 1996; Hetherington, Cox, & Cox, 1982).

XVI WHAT CAN WE SAY ABOUT HOW CHILDREN COPE WITH VISITATION DISPUTES AND INTER-PARENTAL CONFLICT?

(39) There are some broad, but consistent patterns in children's coping styles. Young children (3 to 8), repond with intense physical and emotional distress. Early elementary children responded with somatic symptoms, avoidance, and active intervention. Late elementary and early middle school age children tend to decrease feelings of distress as they enter into alignments with one parent (Cummings, et al., 1984; Johnston & Campbell, 1988; Johnston, Campbell, & Mayes, 1985; Johnston, Gonzalez, & Campbell, 1987; Johnston, et al., 1989)

XVII WHAT ARE FACTORS WITHIN THE CHILD WHICH PREDICT GOOD AND BAD OUTCOMES FROM DIVORCE AND POST-DIVORCE CONFLICT?

(40) The child's temperament is a strong factor in predicting poor outcomes to divorce and various visitation arrangements. Children with disruptive, acting-out temperaments experience poorer outcomes than those with easy temperaments. (Block, Block, & Gjerde, 1986; Hetherington, 1991; Kasen, et al., 1996; Grych & Fincham, 1997).

(41) Boys with difficult temperaments fare very poorly with divorce, and these boys can be identified as young as age 3 (Amato & Booth, 1996; Block, Block, & Gjerde, 1986; Cherlin, et al., 1991; Jouriles, et al., 1991). This seems to be due to a complex interaction between the genetic transmission of certain temperament factors, poor parenting, high levels of marital conflict, and even the destructive effect of the boys' behavior on what was already a poor marriage.

(42) Cognitive style is also a factor. Children who can "reframe" the divorce in a positive way do better than those who don't (Radovanovic, 1993). Similarly, those children who appraise the divorce with a sense of lack of control, a sense of loss, feelings of helplessness, and self-critical feelings, fare much more poorly following divorce and/or post-divorce conflict (Lengua & Sandler, 1996; Sandler, Tein & West, 1994).

XVIII IS PARENTAL ALIENATION SYNDROME A VALID PHENOMENA? IS IT THE SAME THING AS BRAINWASHING? IS IT SIMPLY AN ATTACK ON MOTHERS?

(43) Parental alienation syndrome is a predictable response in children exposed to high levels of inter-parental conflict. It serves to reduce high levels of stress, fear, and cognitive dissonance through a firm alliance with one parent and the exclusion of contact with the other parent (Gardner, 1982; Garrity & Baris, 1994; Johnston, 1993; Johnston & Campbell, 1988; Johnston & Roseby, 1997; Lampel, 1996; Racusin, Copans, & Mills, 1994; Rand, 1997).

(44) P.A.S also has many features in common with folie a deux - a more dependent and submissive individual takes on the world-view of a more dominant individual due to dependency, enmeshment, concern for the emotional distress of the dominant person, and poor capacity to reality test. The disorder is most often improved by separation of the parties. The most common parent-child duo in cases of folie a deux are mother-daughter pairs (Deutsch, 1938; Gralnick, 1942; Dewhurst & Todd, 1956; Soni & Rockley, 1974; Sacks, 1988; Munro, 1986; Brooks, 1987; Dippel, Kempel, & Berger, 1991, Mentjoux, van Houten, & Koolman, 1993).

(45) P.A.S. is most often a problem of mother-daughter pairs (Dunne & Hedrick, 1994); mother-son alignments (Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980b); or mother-daughter and mother-son pairs equally (Racusin, Copans, & Mills, 1994).

(46) Clinicians and researchers differ as to suitable treatments for P.A.S. Some lean toward swift intervention through the courts in extreme cases and separation of the enmeshed mother-child pair (Gardner, 1992; Cartwright, 1993; Lund, 1995; Kopetski, 1991). Others strongly oppose separation of the mother-child pair (Garrity & Baris, 1994; Johnston & Roseby, 1997). All agree with Dunne & Hedrick (1994) that traditional methods of treatment are ineffective in severe, intractable cases.

XIX WHY DO A MINORITY OF PARENTS ENGAGE IN BITTER, PROTRACTED LEGAL DISPUTES WITH EACH OTHER OVER THE CHILDREN? WHAT MAKES THEM DIFFERENT FROM PARENTS WHO HAVE AMICABLE SETTLEMENTS?

(47) Parents engaged in high levels of inter-parental conflict, before, during, and after the divorce, appear to exhibit a cluster of personality traits which are similar to the personality disorders (Johnston & Campbell, 1988; Garrity & Baris, 1994; Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980b).

(48) Research studies have established that parents involved in protracted post-divorce disputes have some personality/cognitive traits in common. They have poor impulse control, are needy and demanding, have poor problem solving skills, and deal with highly emotional situations through the use of denial, blame, and defensiveness. They have difficulty taking another person's perspective and have poor interpersonal skills. They are more self-serving and less child-centered. (Ehrenberg, Hunter, & Elterman, 1996; Hoppe & Kenney, 1994)

XX HOW COMMON ARE FALSE ALLEGATIONS OF SEXUAL ABUSE IN CUSTODY DISPUTES?

(49) In intractable cases, where experts are called in to conduct evaluations, rates of sexual abuse allegations being declared false or unfounded are 55% (Benedek & Schetky, 1985); 36% (Green, 1986); 50% (Thoennes & Tjaden, 1990, 160 cases); 75% (Wakefield & Underwager, 1991, 500 cases); 77% (Dwyer, 1986).

XXI WHAT IS THE MOST COMMON PROFILE OF A MOTHER WHO MAKES A FALSE ACCUSATION OF SEXUAL ABUSE IN A CUSTODY DISPUTE?

(50) Various writers agree that this individual most commonly meets criteria for a diagnosis of personality disorder - hysterical, borderline, passive aggressive, or paranoid personality. For such an individual, believing in the accusation fits into a cognitive schema in which the accuser is a victim of a malicious husband, the child is an extension of the accuser, and thus the child is a victim also (Benedek & Schetky, 1985; Blush & Ross, 1987; Bresee, Stearns, Bess, & Packet, 1986; Elterman & Ehrenberg, 1991; Green, 1986; Klajner-Diamond, et al., 1987; Mikkelsen, Gutheil, & Emens, 1992; Wakefield & Underwager, 1991).

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Dr. Elizabeth M. Ellis is a clinical psychologist in private practice in a suburb of Atlanta. She is the author of Raising a Responsible Child (Birchlane, 1995), and over 20 scholarly papers in the fields of post traumatic stress disorder, psychotherapy, and child and family forensic evaluations. Her second book, Divorce Wars, was published by APA Books in May of 2000. You may reach her at: 3346 Gwinnett Plantation Way, B-1, Duluth, Georgia. 770-476-1967.)